Education Week - March 30, 2016 - (Page 15)

High Court Weighing Birth-Control Mandate By Mark Walsh Washington The U.S. Supreme Court appeared sharply divided last week in a major showdown over whether religious schools, colleges, and other groups must take action if they seek to opt out of providing contraceptive care to their female employees or students under the Affordable Care Act. During oral arguments in the case, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. repeatedly referred to the federal government as "hijacking" the insurance plans of religious employers to force them to be complicit in the contraceptive coverage. "It seems to me that that's an accurate description of what the government wants to do," Roberts said. When Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, late in the March 23 arguments, picked up on the idea of a government "hijack" of religious employers' health plans, it appeared the court, with the vacancy left by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia, was headed for a 4-4 tie in the group of cases known as Zubik v. Burwell (No. 14-1418). That would leave lower-court rulings in place. All but one of the nine federal appeals courts to have ruled on the issue have sided with President Barack Obama's administration by holding that an accommodation offered to religious employers does not violate their religious-freedom rights. The case stems from the Affordable Care Act's requirement that most large employers must offer group health plans with "minimum essential coverage," which has been interpreted by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to include coverage of contraception. Churches and some other religious organizations (church auxiliaries and the religious activities of religious orders) are exempt from the contraceptive mandate, but HHS declined to exempt many other religious employers, including schools, colleges, nursing facilities, and other nonprofits. Under the disputed accommodation, those organizations must opt out of the program by informing the federal government in writing of their religious objections or face fines. Moral Objection The religious groups, which have moral objections to offering certain forms of contraception, contend that the government's accommodation would make them complicit in providing such care. "The problem is, we have to fill out a form, and the consequence of filling out that form is that we are being treated differently" from the churches and other groups that are categorically exempt, Paul D. Clement, the lawyer representing the Little Sisters of the Poor Home for the Aged, a religious employer that is not exempt, told the justices. Eight members of the Little Sisters order were present in the courtroom for the 90-minute argument, and hundreds more nuns demonstrated outside the court building, along with a smaller number of supporters of the administration. Noel J. Francisco, the lawyer repre- Jacquelyn Martin/AP Religious schools battling federal provision Nuns with the Little Sisters of the Poor, including Sister Celestine, left, and Sister Jeanne Veronique, center, rally outside the U.S. Supreme Court as it hears arguments on the birth-control mandate in health-care plans. senting Roman Catholic schools in the dioceses of Washington, Pittsburgh, and Erie, Pa., sought to point out an inconsistency in how the government treats such schools for the purposes of either the exemption or the accommodation. The point, as explained in his brief, is that some Catholic schools have to comply with the mandate and others don't, based on how they are organized within their dioceses. (Some are part of the main organizational structure of the diocese, and some aren't.) Roberts returned to that point by noting that Catholic Charities of Pittsburgh had to comply with the contraceptive mandate, while Catholic Charities of Erie was exempt. U.S. Solicitor General Donald B. Verrilli Jr., defending the mandate, said: "The government made a judgment that as a categorical matter, it wasn't willing to extend the exemption to all religious nonprofits, as was requested, but it, instead, would use this accommodation, which we thought was the best way that we could ... protect their religious liberty." Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. also was sympathetic to the religious employers. 'A Compelling Interest' "This is a case in which a great array of religious groups ... have said that this presents an unprecedented threat to religious liberty in this country," Alito said, referring to the opt-out requirement. Justice Clarence Thomas didn't ask any questions, but his past positions on the Affordable Care Act in the 2014 decision known as Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores Inc., which allowed closely held companies to opt out of the contraceptive mandate, suggest he would side with the religious employers as well. The court's liberal bloc, which dissented in Hobby Lobby, appeared to side with the government. "I thought there was a very strong tradition in this country, which is that when it comes to religious exercises, churches are special," Justice Elena Kagan told Francisco. "And if you're saying that every time Congress gives an exemption to churches and synagogues and mosques, that they have to open that up to all religious people, then the effect of that is that Congress just decides not to give an exemption at all." Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg said the government "has another interest at stake." "As you know, the original healthcare plan did not provide these covered services for women, and [the government] saw a compelling interest there, a need that was marginally ignored up until then," she said, referring to the HHS rules that require contraceptive coverage. A ruling is expected by late June. ESSA Rule Negotiators Grapple With Issues of Flexibility, Equity By Alyson Klein Washington Should advocates, educators, and others writing rules on tests and spending under the Every Student Succeeds Act hew closely to the new law and preserve as much flexibility as possible for states? Or should they use the opportunity of "negotiated rulemaking" to help advance an agenda focused on educational equity? Those questions undergirded some of the discussion during last week's negotiated-rulemaking sessions here. The process allows advocates, practitioners, and others to get in a room and hash out proposed rules for parts of ESSA, the new version of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. If the process fails, which it often does, the U.S. Department of Education will write rules through the regular process. Importantly, negotiators aren't considering the whole law-or even what's arguably the most controversial part: accountability. Instead, they are fleshing out rules for a highly technical provi- sion known as "supplement-notsupplant" (which deals with how federal dollars interact with local spending). They also are negotiating rules on assessment, which covers a host of testing topics, including computer-adaptive tests, as well as tests for special populations of students, such as students in special education, English-language learners, and more. Tough to Monitor The panel, which will reconvene in April, is made up of educators, including a state schools chief, classroom teachers, a nationally recognized district superintendent, and other local leaders. Additional members include advocates for the civil rights community, English-learners, students with disabilities, and others. Members were nominated by the public and selected by the Education Department. There was a spirited debate on how the regulations should handle language in ESSA that says that no more than 1 percent of all students statewide can take tests intended for those with severe cognitive disabilities. Some advocates have worried that cap will be hard to monitor district by district. Liz King, the director of education policy at the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, argued it makes sense to have a definition of the 1 percent cap, in part to deal with that issue. But Tony Evers, the state chief in Wisconsin, noted that there has long been a 1 percent requirement in the law, without additional parameters. And he suggested the panel refrain from defining "significant cognitive disabilities"-in part so that it sticks as closely as possible to congressional intent. Another key point in negotiations: What should constitute a "nationally recognized test" that districts could substitute for the state exam when it comes to high school accountability? Kerri Briggs, the education program officer at Exxon Mobil, who is representing the business community on the panel, said she thinks states should be able to use their best judgment in figuring out what qualifies as a "nationally recognized test." Most experts expect that ESSA would allow districts to use the ACT or the SAT, but there's nothing in the law that requires those tests to be in the mix, said Delia Pompa, a negotiator and senior fellow at the Migrant Policy Institute, a think tank in Washington that deals with issues facing migrants. She and others voiced concern about the lack of accommodations for students in special education and English-language learners in using those college-entrance tests. Advanced Courses Another ESSA provision lets 8th graders who are taking advanced math courses (such as algebra, geometry, or Algebra 2) use a test in that subject for accountability purposes, instead of the state assessment. In high school, those students must take a test corresponding to the level of math they are in. The department wants to make it clear that the advanced math tests must meet the rigorous requirements for assessment-and that the state makes sure that all students have the opportunity to pursue advanced math coursework. While nearly everyone on the panel liked the idea of equitable access to advanced classes, some negotiators were in different places-at least rhetorically-on how far they should go to make it happen. ESSA, like its predecessor, the No Child Left Behind Act, also calls for states to assess newcomers to the United States in their native language, to get a sense of what they know and can do. Specifically, states must "make every effort" to have native-language tests for any language that a "significant number" of students speak. But while that requirement had been in the NCLB law, fewer than a dozen states have native-language tests, according to the Education Department. Pompa would like the department to provide parameters to help states come up with a definition of what constitutes a high-quality test. EDUCATION WEEK | March 30, 2016 | www.edweek.org | 15 http://www.edweek.org

Table of Contents for the Digital Edition of Education Week - March 30, 2016

Education Week - March 30, 2016
State Boards Feel New Need To Flex Muscles
Distress Call Issued On K-12 Facilities
Can ‘Micro-Credentialing’ Salvage Teacher PD?
Sanders Gets Educators’ Attention Despite Limited Specifics on K-12
Table of Contents
DAVID GAMBERG: What Makes a School?
News in Brief
Report Roundup
Common Core: Is Its Achievement Impact Starting To Dissipate?
ACT’s New 10th Grade Test Provides Competition for PSAT
N.C. Law Restricts Transgender Student Restroom Access
DIGITAL DIRECTIONS: Group Probes Ed-Tech Pricing, Buying
Home Schooling Gains Popularity With Military Families
Blogs of the Week
‘Teach to Lead’ Projects Face Uphill Climb at State Level
Hearing Weighs Student-Data Privacy Concerns
High Court Weighing Birth-Control Mandate
ESSA Rule Negotiators Grapple With Issues of Flexibility, Equity
ROBERT EVANS: Principals, Get Your Irish On
PATRICK O’CONNOR: Why Good Teachers Don’t Have to ‘Like’ Teaching
JONATHAN ECKERT: Finding Joy in Teaching
Letters
TopSchoolJobs Recruitment Marketplace

Education Week - March 30, 2016

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