Education Week - January 23, 2013 - (Page 20)

20 EDUCATION WEEK n JANUARY 23, 2013 n www.edweek.org ▲ COMMENTARY www.edweek.org/go/commentary International Tests Reveal Surprises at Home and Abroad By Martin Carnoy & Richard Rothstein P olicymakers and pundits raise alarms whenever international test results are announced. In December, upon release of new scores from the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study, or timss, U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan called them “unacceptable,” saying they “underscore the urgency of accelerating achievement ... and the need to close large and persistent achievement gaps.” It was no different a little over two years ago, when the Program for International Student Assessment, or pisa, released its latest scores. Secretary Duncan said they showed Americans “napping at the wheel. ... As disturbing as these national trends are for America, enormous achievement gaps among black and Hispanic students portend even more trouble for the United States in the years ahead.” Such conclusions are oversimplified, frequently exaggerated, and misleading. They ignore the complexity of testing and may lead policymakers to pursue inappropriate and even harmful reforms. Both timss and pisa publish not only average national scores, but also a rich database from which analysts can disaggregate scores by students’ socioeconomic characteristics. Examining these can lead to more nuanced conclusions than those suggested from average national scores alone. Yet, for some reason, although timss published average national results this past December, it only released its underlying database last week. This puzzling procedure ensures that commentators draw quick but ill-informed interpretations. Analysis of the database takes time, and headlines from the initial release are codified before scholars can complete more careful study. Since the last pisa release in 2010 (of a test given in 2010), we have been digging deeper into its database and examining older databases for timss and for our domestic National Assessment of Educational Progress. We concentrated on adolescent scores—8th graders on timss and naep, 15-year-olds on pisa—in the United States; three top-scoring countries (Canada, Finland, and South Korea); three similar postindustrial countries (France, Germany, and the United Kingdom); seven American states; and three Canadian provinces for which trends are available. The timss executive director deemed the report of our findings helpful (without endorsing our analysis in detail), but officials of pisa and of the U.S. Department of Education were harshly critical. We have posted their criticism, and our response to it, online (www.edweek.org/go/PISAresponse). Some of our conclusions are obvious; some are counterintuitive or startling. Here are a few: • A larger proportion of students in the United States is disadvantaged than in any comparison country. The What’s in a Name? Rethinking the Notion of ‘Noncognitive’ By David T. Conley A name can matter a lot. When social science researchers wanted to make a distinction between how students approached different aspects of the learning process, they coined the somewhat awkward term “noncognitive” to distinguish attitudes, beliefs, and attributes from content knowledge, which they labeled “cognitive.” They applied their newly minted term to identify everything that was not, in their view, grounded in, or directly derived from, rational thought. This distinction reflected the idea that one type of thinking formed the basis of knowing and recalling information, and that the other originated in beliefs, attitudes, and feelings. Perhaps it’s time to move beyond our current overly cautious approach to measuring elements of the learning process that extend beyond content knowledge. Perhaps it’s time to think of noncognitive dimensions of learning as forms of thinking, rather than as a process that does not involve cognition. Are we not observing a higher form of thinking when we see students persist with difficult tasks, such as overcoming frustration; setting and achieving goals; seeking help; working with others; and developing, managing, and perceiving their sense of self-efficacy? Are these qualities not at least as important as knowing how well students recall information about the year in which the Civil War began, or how to factor a polynomial? Might what we observe when we look for noncognitive factors be a more complex form of cognition—a result of executive functioning by the brain as it monitors and adjusts to circumstances to accomplish specific aims and objec- tives? In other words, might these behaviors be manifestations not of feelings, but of metacognition—the mind’s ability to reflect on how effectively it is handling the learning process as it is doing so? During the past century, cognitive measures have ascended to the pinnacle of credibility, while noncognitive factors have languished in relative obscurity. Consumers of content-knowledge tests assumed that noncognitive indicators lacked the methodological rigor that was number increased rapidly over the last decade, while in comparison countries it did not. Nonetheless, reading and mathematics achievement of lower-social-class U.S. students improved substantially, while achievement of similarly disadvantaged students declined in countries to which the United States is frequently unfavorably compared. Thus, while the reading achievement on pisa of the lowest-social-class students in the United States grew by more than 0.2 standard deviations from 2000 to 2009, it fell by an even larger amount in Finland. In math, U.S. students from the lowest social class also gained substantially, while scores of comparable Finnish students declined. This is surprising because the proportion of disadvantaged students in Finland also fell, and we might expect this to make the task of devoting resources to them easier. Certainly, even for the lowest social class of students, Finland’s scores remain higher than ours, but examination of trends (perPAGE 23 > fulfilling prophecy. They anointed cognitive measures as “scientific” and pronounced noncognitve techniques as incapable of meeting the technical standards they had developed for content tests. Because experts judged noncognitive methods against inappropriate standards, all noncognitive approaches came to be like the guy or girl who gets all dressed up for the party but never gets asked to dance. Over time, the very name noncognitive came to symbolize, among educators and policymakers, that the information generated by the tool or instrument would be of limited use and value to shape curriculum, instruction, or program improvement, let alone be factored into accountability systems. We might better describe what has previously fallen under the label of noncognitive factors as “metacognitive learning skills.” While metacognition is a broad term, I apply it here to describe a subset of all its facets, just “ Are we not observing a higher form of thinking when we see students persist with difficult tasks, such as overcoming frustration?” the hallmark of their cognitive siblings. Psychometricians dedicated considerable resources over the years to improving cognitive measures, while they devoted relatively less effort and energy to creating noncognitive tools of comparable rigor. Standardized-test developers created knowledge examinations that were assumed to be free of noncognitive influences. The tests didn’t attempt to gauge the processes students used to learn. Over time, educators and policymakers alike came to view information from noncognitive instruments as less credible than the results from content tests. Tools such as surveys, self-reports, interviews, and third-party ratings were seen as yielding information that was distinct and separate from (and less valuable than) the cognitive data collected by standardized tests. In essence, researchers and educators created a self- as cognitive content knowledge represents a subset of cognition. My definition of metacognitive in this context includes all learning processes and behaviors involving any degree of reflection, learning-strategy selection, and intentional mental processing that can result in a student’s improved ability to learn. If we were to apply the term metacognitive learning skills to describe the full range of behaviors, attitudes, and beliefs students demonstrate while engaging in the learning process, we could establish semantic parity between cognitive knowledge and noncognitive skills. This would be a monumental accomplishment that could lead to a dramatic increase in the development and use of new tools and techniques designed specifically to help us develop insight into student learning strategies. Gaining this type of insight would enable educators to teach students how to learn, as well as what to learn. It would http://www.edweek.org http://www.edweek.org/go/commentary http://www.edweek.org/go/PISAresponse

Table of Contents for the Digital Edition of Education Week - January 23, 2013

Education Week - January 23, 2013
Nation, Districts Step Up Safety
Colleges Overproducing Elementary-Level Teachers
INDUSTRY & INNOVATION: Calif. Districts Link To Push Shared Goals
Loss of Veterans Doesn’t Hurt Scores
Contents
News in Brief
Report Roundup
FOCUS ON: CHARTER SCHOOLS: Charters Prepare for the Challenges Of Common Core
Civil Rights Groups: Discipline Excessive In Miss. Schools
Children Still Prefer Print Books to E-Books
Mainstream Video Games Move Into Ed.
Blogs of the Week
Obama Presses School Safety, Mental-Health Efforts
State Data: Use With Caution
State Finance Lawsuits Still Roiling Landscape
Stretched Schools Push to Extend Lifespan Of Books
Policy Brief
STATE OF THE STATES: Vt. Governor Launches Four-Point Education Initiative
State of the States
MARTIN CARNOY & RICHARD ROTHSTEIN: International Tests Reveal Surprises at Home and Abroad
DAVID T. CONLEY: What’s in a Name
ALAN C. JONES: Schools for Other People’s Children
Letters
TopSchoolJobs Recruitment Marketplace
PETER GIBBON: A Timeless View of Education From 1899

Education Week - January 23, 2013

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